Why probability probably doesn’t exist (but it is useful to act like it does)
Life is uncertain. None of us know what is going to happen. We know little of what has happened in the past, or is happening now outside our immediate experience. Uncertainty has been called the ‘conscious awareness of ignorance’1 — be it of the weather tomorrow, the next Premier League champions, the climate in 2100 or the identity of our ancient ancestors.
In daily life, we generally express uncertainty in words, saying an event “could”, “might” or “is likely to” happen (or have happened). But uncertain words can be treacherous. When, in 1961, the newly elected US president John F. Kennedy was informed about a CIA-sponsored plan to invade communist Cuba, he commissioned an appraisal from his military top brass. They concluded that the mission had a 30% chance of success — that is, a 70% chance of failure. In the report that reached the president, this was rendered as “a fair chance”. The Bay of Pigs invasion went ahead, and was a fiasco. There are now established scales for converting words of uncertainty into rough numbers. Anyone in the UK intelligence community using the term ‘likely’, for example, should mean a chance of between 55% and 75% (see go.nature.com/3vhu5zc).
Attempts to put numbers on chance and uncertainty take us into the mathematical realm of probability, which today is used confidently in any number of fields. Open any science journal, for example, and you’ll find papers liberally sprinkled with P values, confidence intervals and possibly Bayesian posterior distributions, all of which are dependent on probability.
And yet, any numerical probability, I will argue — whether in a scientific paper, as part of weather forecasts, predicting the outcome of a sports competition or quantifying a health risk — is not an objective property of the world, but a construction based on personal or collective judgements and (often doubtful) assumptions. Furthermore, in most circumstances, it is not even estimating some underlying ‘true’ quantity. Probability, indeed, can only rarely be said to ‘exist’ at all.
Chance interloper
Probability was a relative latecomer to mathematics. Although people had been gambling with astragali (knucklebones) and dice for millennia, it was not until the French mathematicians Blaise Pascal and Pierre de Fermat started corresponding in the 1650s that any rigorous analysis was made of ‘chance’ events. Like the release from a pent-up dam, probability has since flooded fields as diverse as finance, astronomy and law — not to mention gambling.
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To get a handle on probability’s slipperiness, consider how the concept is used in modern weather forecasts. Meteorologists make predictions of temperature, wind speed and quantity of rain, and often also the probability of rain — say 70% for a given time and place. The first three can be compared with their ‘true’ values; you can go out and measure them. But there is no ‘true’ probability to compare the last with the forecaster’s assessment. There is no ‘probability-ometer’. It either rains or it doesn’t.
What’s more, as emphasized by the philosopher Ian Hacking2, probability is “Janus-faced”: it handles both chance and ignorance. Imagine I flip a coin, and ask you the probability that it will come up heads. You happily say “50–50”, or “half”, or some other variant. I then flip the coin, take a quick peek, but cover it up, and ask: what’s your probability it’s heads now?
Note that I say “your” probability, not “the” probability. Most people are now hesitant to give an answer, before grudgingly repeating “50–50”. But the event has now happened, and there is no randomness left — just your ignorance. The situation has flipped from ‘aleatory’ uncertainty, about the future we cannot know, to ‘epistemic’ uncertainty, about what we currently do not know. Numerical probability is used for both these situations.
There is another lesson in here. Even if there is a statistical model for what should happen, this is always based on subjective assumptions — in the case of a coin flip, that there are two equally likely outcomes. To demonstrate this to audiences, I sometimes use a two-headed coin, showing that even their initial opinion of “50–50” was based on trusting me. This can be rash.
Subjectivity and science
My argument is that any practical use of probability involves subjective judgements. This doesn’t mean that I can put any old numbers on my thoughts — I would be proved a poor probability assessor if I claimed with 99.9% certainty that I can fly off my roof, for example. The objective world comes into play when probabilities, and their underlying assumptions, are tested against reality (see ‘How ignorant am I?’); but that doesn’t mean the probabilities themselves are objective.
Some assumptions that people use to assess probabilities will have stronger justifications than others. If I have examined a coin carefully before it is flipped, and it lands on a hard surface and bounces chaotically, I will feel more justified with my 50–50 judgement than if some shady character pulls out a coin and gives it a few desultory turns. But these same strictures apply anywhere that probabilities are used — including in scientific contexts, in which we might be more naturally convinced of their supposed objectivity.
Here’s an example of genuine scientific, and public, importance. Soon after the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, the RECOVERY trials started to test therapies in people hospitalized with the disease in the United Kingdom. In one experiment, more than 6,000 people were randomly allocated to receive either the standard care given in the hospital they were in, or that care plus a dose of dexamethasone, an inexpensive steroid3. Among those on mechanical ventilation, the age-adjusted daily mortality risk was 29% lower in the group allocated dexamethasone compared with the group that received only standard care (95% confidence interval of 19–49%). The P value — the calculated probability of observing such an extreme relative risk, assuming a null hypothesis of no underlying difference in risk — can be calculated to be 0.0001, or 0.01%.
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This is all standard analysis. But the precise confidence level and P value rely on more than just assuming the null hypothesis. It also depends on all of the assumptions in the statistical model, such as the observations being independent: that there are no factors that cause people treated more closely in space and time to have more-similar outcomes. But there are many such factors, whether it’s the hospital in which people are being treated or changing care regimes. The precise value also relies on all of the participants in each group having the same underlying probability of surviving 28 days. This will differ for all sorts of reasons.
None of these false assumptions necessarily mean that the analysis is flawed. In this case, the signal is so strong that a model allowing, say, the underlying risk to vary between participants will make little difference to the overall conclusions. If the results were more marginal, however, it would be appropriate to do extensive analysis of the model’s sensitivity to alternative assumptions.
To exercise the much-quoted aphorism, “all models are wrong, but some are useful”4. The dexamethasone analysis was particularly useful because its firm conclusion changed clinical practice and saved hundreds of thousands of lives. But the probabilities that the conclusion was based on were not ‘true’ — they were a product of subjective, if reasonable, assumptions and judgements.
Down the rabbit hole
But are these numbers, then, our subjective, perhaps flawed estimates of some underlying ‘true’ probability, an objective feature of the world?
I will add the caveat here that I am not talking about the quantum world. At the sub-atomic level, the mathematics indicates that causeless events can happen with fixed probabilities (although at least one interpretation states that even those probabilities express a relationship with other objects or observers, rather than being intrinsic properties of quantum objects)5. But equally, it seems that this has negligible influence on everyday observable events in the macroscopic world.
I can also avoid the centuries-old arguments about whether the world, at a non-quantum level, is essentially deterministic, and whether we have free will to influence the course of events. Whatever the answers, we would still need to define what an objective probability actually is.
Many attempts have been made to do this over the years, but they all seem either flawed or limited. These include frequentist probability, an approach that defines the theoretical proportion of events that would be seen in infinitely many repetitions of essentially identical situations — for example, repeating the same clinical trial in the same population with the same conditions over and over again, like Groundhog Day. This seems rather unrealistic. The UK statistician Ronald Fisher suggested thinking of a unique data set as a sample from a hypothetical infinite population, but this seems to be more of a thought experiment than an objective reality. Or there’s the semi-mystical idea of propensity, that there is some true underlying tendency for a specific event to occur in a particular context, such as my having a heart attack in the next ten years. This seems practically unverifiable.
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There is a limited range of well-controlled, repeatable situations of such immense complexity that, even if they are essentially deterministic, fit the frequentist paradigm by having a probability distribution with predictable properties in the long run. These include standard randomizing devices, such as roulette wheels, shuffled cards, spun coins, thrown dice and lottery balls, as well as pseudo-random number generators, which rely on non-linear, chaotic algorithms to give numbers that pass tests of randomness.
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